Showing posts with label Lasso. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Lasso. Show all posts

Friday, January 20, 2023

Siete veces sí en el Referendo de Ecuador

Mi columna en el Diario "El Universo".‬⁩

Al margen de su opinión sobre el gobierno, se debe votar a favor de la extradición, la autonomía de la Fiscalía, la compensación por servicios ambientales, eliminar papel de CPCCS en nombrar autoridades de control.

Otras preguntas que ameritan el "Sí":

- reducir el número de Asambleístas
- reducir el número de movimientos políticos (auditando su membrecía).
- creación de un subsistema de protección hídrica

La única pregunta con la que no coincido es que la Asamblea nombre al CPCCS. Mientras no se elimine este Consejo, preferible su elección democrática

Leer más en SubStack:

https://luisfierro.substack.com/p/siete-veces-si-en-el-referendo

Friday, October 21, 2022

¿Por qué no baja el riesgo país?

 Por Luis Fierro Carrión (*)

Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_C

En las últimas semanas, el llamado “riesgo país” del Ecuador, en lugar de bajar, ha seguido subiendo, alcanzando 1.945 puntos básicos (esto es, 19,45 % por encima de la tasa de los bonos del Tesoro de EE.UU.).

El “riesgo país” en esencia refleja la probabilidad de que un país declare la moratoria en el servicio de su deuda externa. Es cierto que el Ecuador tiene una trayectoria negativa en este sentido, habiendo declarado moratoria en 11 ocasiones, empatando con Venezuela y Argentina en el récord de moratorias (la última en 2020, al inicio de la pandemia). (España tiene más moratorias, pero a lo largo de 5 siglos).

No obstante, los indicadores macroeconómicos del Ecuador mas bien deberían haber inducido una reducción de dicho diferencial.

Hace unas semanas se anunció un acuerdo para reestructurar la deuda externa con entidades chinas, reduciendo la tasa de interés entre 0,2 y 1 %; extendiendo los plazos; y reduciendo el servicio de la deuda en $870 millones en 2022-23.

El déficit fiscal ha bajado de $7.100 millones en 2020 a $2.300 millones en 2022. La relación deuda pública/PIB bajará de 62,2 % del PIB en 2020, a 57 % del PIB en 2023. Las reservas internacionales han superado $8.400 millones (habiendo bajado a menos de $2.000 millones en marzo 2020).  El precio promedio del petróleo ha superado las proyecciones del FMI (por $24,20 por barril en 2022, y en $13,50 por barril en un plazo mediano). La tasa de crecimiento del PIB prevista en 2022 (2,9 % según el FMI) es una de las mas altas en la región, en tanto que la inflación es una de las más bajas (4,1 %).

Todos estos factores macroeconómicos objetivos deberían haber bajado el riesgo país a unos 500-600 puntos, pero en su lugar se ha disparado a cerca de 2.000 puntos.

La explicación, por ende, no es que haya aumentado el riesgo de moratoria en el corto plazo (diría que ese riesgo es cero, dado que los pagos principales del FMI y China se han postergado a partir de 2025, y de los bonos soberanos a 2026).

La preocupación es fundamentalmente política:

  •       Se considera que el gobierno del Presidente Lasso no podrá aprobar reformas estructurales en la Asamblea, por ejemplo, en el ámbito laboral o de inversiones.
  •       No parece viable la apuesta por duplicar la producción petrolera (la producción minera seguirá aumentando, pero gradualmente).
  •       Existe un riesgo de que la Asamblea destituya al Presidente, o que este invoque la “muerte cruzada”.
  •       Si bien el Sr. Iza se ha debilitado al interior del movimiento indígena, todavía es posible un nuevo “estallido” que afecte la producción petrolera, minera y rural (agrícola, ganadera, florícola, etc.).
  •       Se teme que el próximo gobierno (sea producto de la “muerte cruzada”, o de elecciones regulares en 2025) no sea “amigable al mercado” e invoque una nueva moratoria de la deuda.

El “efecto Iza” entonces se vuelve en realidad en un efecto Iza-Correa-PSC-Pachakutik. Algunos voceros del PSC (entre ellos la Alcaldesa Viteri) han cuestionado el servicio de la deuda externa, y al parecer tienen una alianza estrecha con el Correísmo y los sectores “anticapitalistas” del movimiento Pachakutik.

También hay factores técnicos que afectan el riesgo país de Ecuador, tal como la escasa liquidez y elevado costo de transacción, dado que el país no es un emisor recurrente.

A largo plazo, la única forma de superar esta percepción de elevado riesgo es logrando un acuerdo fiscal entre las principales fuerzas políticas, asumiendo como un objetivo rebajar el costo del financiamiento externo del país; y reformas tributarias que eleven el nivel de presión fiscal del país a niveles cercanos al promedio de América Latina.  Actualmente, es del 19,1 % del PIB, mientras que el promedio de América Latina es 21,9 %, y para los países de la OCDE 33,5 %.


(*) Una versión más corta de esta columna se publicó en el Diario "El Universo" del Ecuador el 20 de octubre de 2022

https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/por-que-no-baja-el-riesgo-pais-nota/

 




Friday, December 24, 2021

My top 10 blog posts in 2021 / Mis artículos de blog más leídos en 2021

Mis artículos de blog más leídos en el 2021 / My top 10 blog posts in 2021


# 10 Proposals by Pedro Castillo, candidate in Peru

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/05/proposals-by-pedro-castillo-candidate.html

# 9 Prohibido Olvidar

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/04/prohibido-olvidar.html

# 8 Presentation on Climate Change, the Paris Agreement and Climate Finance

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/11/presentation-on-climate-change-paris.html

# 7 Resumen de mi gestión como Viceministro de Economía de Ecuador

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/10/resumen-de-mi-gestion-como-viceministro.html

# 6 Disinfodemic

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/02/disinfodemic.html

# 5 Ecuador: Agreement with the IMF and the presidential candidates

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/01/ecuador-agreement-with-imf-and.html

# 4 ¿Año Nuevo, Vida Nueva?

 https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/01/ano-nuevo-vida-nueva.html

# 3 Elecciones en Ecuador: Dos opciones opuestas

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/03/elecciones-en-ecuador-dos-opciones.html

# 2 Ecuador: Acuerdo con el FMI y los candidatos presidenciales

 https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/01/ecuador-acuerdo-con-el-fmi-y-candidatos.html

And my top blog post of 2021 / Y el artículo más leído en 2021:

Green Recovery and Climate Finance in Ecuador

https://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/08/green-recovery-and-climate-finance-in.html





Tuesday, December 21, 2021

Un año extraño

El año 2021 fue otro año extraño, afectado por la pandemia. También tuve cuatro empleos durante el transcurso del año (según LinkedIn, trabajé 14 meses, porque terminé y comencé a trabajar a mitad de mes).

A principios de año, Vanessa y yo habíamos estado finalizando 9 meses de esencialmente quedarnos en casa (habíamos regresado de Perú y Ecuador en febrero de 2020, cuando la pandemia golpeó a los EE.UU. en marzo).

Sin embargo, un nuevo empleo como “Experto en Financiamiento Climático” para el Programa EuroClima+ de la Unión Europea (a través de la Agencia Francesa de Desarrollo) requirió que viajase a Bogotá, Colombia para comenzar el trabajo.

Pude obtener una de las primeras vacunas de Pfizer antes de viajar (pero Vanessa no pudo).

Entonces, comencé el nuevo trabajo, pero esencialmente seguía teniendo todas las reuniones por videoconferencia (Zoom, WebEx, Teams, etc.).

A finales de enero, tuvimos que volar de regreso a Miami, para conseguir la segunda dosis de Pfizer (y también para un tratamiento médico periódico). La idea era quedarse unos días y volar de regreso a Bogotá. Recibí la segunda dosis de la vacuna. Pensé que tenía algunos efectos secundarios leves. Sin embargo, cuando me hice una prueba de PCR de COVID-19 (para volar de regreso a Colombia), di positivo. Afortunadamente, Vanessa (que aún no estaba vacunada) no dio positivo. Fue un episodio bastante leve, dado que supongo que la primera dosis de vacuna había generado algo de inmunidad. Tenía un poco de fiebre y malestar, pero no síntomas más graves.

En cualquier caso, nos vimos obligados a quedarnos en Miami. Cuando finalmente di negativo, volamos de regreso a Colombia. Bogotá estaba teniendo una segunda ola y había muchas restricciones (incluido que solo podía ir a la oficina un par de días a la semana). Finalmente pude convencer a la buena gente de la AFD de que no tenía mucho sentido pagar un apartamento de AirBnB solo para trabajar desde la casa (considerando especialmente que todas las reuniones seguían siendo virtuales). Así que volvimos a Miami. Vanessa finalmente pudo recibir la primera dosis de la vacuna.

También debo mencionar que desde julio de 2020 había estado trabajando de forma remota (y a tiempo parcial) para un proyecto de “vivienda verde” en Mongolia financiado por el Banco Asiático de Desarrollo. Aunque inicialmente la idea había sido que el equipo viajara a Ulaanbaatar (Ulán Bator en los buenos tiempos), finalmente solo pudimos trabajar de forma remota.

Entonces, estaba felizmente trabajando de forma remota en los dos proyectos relacionados con el financiamiento climático, cuando se llevaron a cabo las elecciones ecuatorianas. Había hecho campaña en la primera vuelta por mi amigo César Montúfar (contribuyendo a su plan de gobierno), pero en la segunda vuelta apoyé a Guillermo Lasso. Era el candidato que competía con el candidato Correísta (Chavista).

Contra las expectativas y las encuestas iniciales, Lasso logró remontar en la segunda vuelta, en parte gracias a la ampliación de sus propuestas para incorporar algunas iniciativas de centro y centro izquierda (tales como aumentar el salario mínimo, defender los derechos de las mujeres / LGBTQ / medioambientales), y comprometerse a luchar contra la desnutrición infantil, algo que el nominalmente izquierdista Correa no había logrado en 10 años, pese a haber contado con más de $ 360 mil millones en ingresos fiscales.

Lasso nombró como ministro de Economía y Finanzas a Simón Cueva, un economista centrista y prestigioso, que había trabajado anteriormente en el FMI y en cargos académicos.

En un gesto sorprendente, el Ministro Cueva me pidió que me uniera a su equipo como viceministro de Economía. Había estado considerando el servicio público en Ecuador (incluso pensé en postularme para ser miembro de la Asamblea Nacional, representando a los migrantes en América del Norte), pero aun así la propuesta me tomó un poco por sorpresa. Soy un economista de centro izquierda (inclinado hacia la socialdemocracia), por lo que no esperaba unirme al gobierno de un ex banquero de centro derecha. Pero acepté, dada mi confianza en el Ministro Cueva, y también la urgente necesidad de atender la severa crisis económica, social y sanitaria que atravesaba Ecuador. Entonces, me mudé a Quito (no podía servir como viceministro de manera remota 😉).

Nunca había ocupado un cargo público en Ecuador, excepto quizás por un período de seis meses cuando fui Representante del Ecuador en el Directorio del FMI en 2006 (antes de Correa). Lamentablemente tuve que dejar mi trabajo de consultoría para el programa EuroClima+/AFD y para el proyecto de vivienda verde de Mongolia.

Los desafíos eran múltiples. El impulso inicial fue poner en marcha y financiar una campaña de vacunación masiva, que se incrementó hasta el punto en que el 12% de la población total de Ecuador recibió una dosis en una sola semana. El presidente Lasso se había ofrecido a vacunar a 9 millones de personas en sus primeros 100 días en el cargo, lo que en ese momento parecía un objetivo demasiado ambicioso, pero de hecho se cumplió.

El segundo esfuerzo fue renegociar los términos de una “Facilidad Extendida” con el FMI, que le permitiría a Ecuador recibir $ 1.500 millones en 2021. El programa inicial buscaba incrementar los ingresos fiscales en un 3% del PIB (alrededor de $ 3.000 millones) en 2022; se pensaba que esto podría lograrse elevando el Impuesto al Valor Agregado (IVA) en 3 puntos (al 15%); este, sin embargo, es un impuesto regresivo, y parecía poco probable que la Asamblea (dominada por partidos de izquierda y centro-izquierda) lo aprobara.

El equipo del Ministerio logró negociar con el FMI para reducir la cantidad de ingresos adicionales esperados y diseñó una reforma fiscal de tributación directa que solo afectaría al 3.5% de la población con mayores ingresos (así como al 0.1% de la población con mayor patrimonio).

Aunque se trataba de una reforma fiscal muy progresiva (algunos la llamaron socialdemócrata), al final la mayoría de los partidos de "izquierda" y "centro-izquierda" en la Asamblea no votaron a favor de ella, sino que simplemente dejaron se convierta en ley al no tomar posición (según los términos de las leyes de emergencia, si una ley propuesta no se adopta o rechaza en 30 días, entra en vigencia automáticamente).

Se requería un mayor esfuerzo para reactivar la economía, impulsar la inversión y el empleo del sector privado. En el período hasta septiembre, las ventas, los ingresos fiscales, la inversión privada y el empleo comenzaron a recuperarse (desde sus mínimos pandémicos). Ayudaron los avances en vacunación, así como algunos créditos multilaterales que se canalizaron hacia las pequeñas y medianas empresas. También se redujeron aranceles y algunos impuestos. En esta nota se resumen algunos logros:


En agosto, me notificaron que se había aprobado un puesto de consultor para el que había postulado muchos meses antes (en 2020). Se trataba de un contrato a largo plazo (cinco años) para trabajar como "experto en políticas económicas verdes" para un nuevo mecanismo de apoyo a las NDC de la Unión Europea, que ayudaría a los países en desarrollo a fortalecer sus planes de acción climática (Contribuciones Nacionalmente Determinadas o NDC, así como las estrategias de largo plazo de desarrollo bajo en emisiones, planes nacionales de adaptación, etc.).

Dado el tenor incierto de mi trabajo en el Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas, y el hecho de que este nuevo trabajo era esencialmente el trabajo de mis sueños, lamentablemente dejé el Ministerio el 20 de septiembre.

El proyecto financiado por la Unión Europea requería que nos mudáramos a Bruselas. Tenía que conseguir una visa de corta duración para poder viajar, y estaba a punto de hacerlo, cuando hubo un nuevo pico de infecciones por COVID-19 en Bruselas y se impusieron nuevas restricciones. Entonces, se decidió que no tenía sentido viajar a Bruselas y trabajar desde una habitación de hotel. Ahora estamos en el proceso de obtener un permiso de residencia a largo plazo para Bélgica y es probable que viajemos el próximo año.

Entonces, COVID-19 frustró nuestros planes de viaje dos veces; modificó trabajos en remotos tres veces; pero afortunadamente no nos enfermó gravemente o peor (¡gracias a los investigadores de Moderna y Pfizer-BioNTech!).

Todos los miembros de nuestra familia inmediata han sido vacunados y ninguno de ellos contrajo un caso grave (aunque lamentablemente algunos familiares menos inmediatos sucumbieron a la enfermedad).

Ha sido, sin duda, un período extraño, y para ser honestos, trabajar de forma remota se ha vuelto algo tedioso y frustrante.

Vimos a mis padres, mis hermanos, mis sobrinas, mi hijo Pablo, su esposa Ada Janet y mi nieta Nelia Luna durante el año, y veremos a la familia de Vanessa a fin de año.

Un lado positivo ha sido que, en 2020, las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero cayeron por primera vez en la historia registrada, aunque la temperatura siguió aumentando (ver esta presentación actualizada sobre el tema: http://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/11/presentation-on-climate-change-paris.html).

También publiqué mi primera novela, “El último humano”, una novela de ciencia ficción que es un llamado a la acción para enfrentar el cambio climático y otras amenazas existenciales para la humanidad (incluidas, sí, pandemias).


Espero que al expandir la vacunación a nivel mundial y continuar observando otras precauciones (mascarillas, distanciamiento social, trabajo a distancia) finalmente derrotemos la pandemia el próximo año.

¡Felices Fiestas!

What a strange and weird year

The year 2021 was another strange year, affected by the pandemic. I also held four jobs during the course of the year (according to LinkedIn, I worked 14 months, because I ended and started jobs in mid-months).

At the beginning of the year, Vanessa and I had been finalizing 9 months of essentially staying at home (we had returned from Peru and Ecuador in February 2020, when the pandemic hit in the U.S. in March).

However, a new job as a “Climate Finance Expert” for the EuroClima+ Programme of the European Union (through the French Development Agency) required that I had to go to Bogotá, Colombia to start the job.

I was able to get one of the first Pfizer vaccines before travelling (but Vanessa was not able to).

So, I started the new job, but essentially continued to have all meetings via videoconference (Zoom, WebEx, Teams, etc.).

At the end of January, we had to fly back to Miami, to get the second Pfizer dose (and also for a periodical medical treatment). The idea was to stay a few days and fly right back to Bogota. I got the second dose of the vaccine. I thought I had some mild secondary effects. However, when I took a COVID-19 PCR test (to fly back to Colombia), I tested positive. Thankfully, Vanessa (who was not yet vaccinated) did not get it. It was a fairly mild episode, given, I suppose that the first vaccine dose had generated some immunity. I had a bit of fever and malaise, but not more severe symptoms.

In any case, we were forced to stay in Miami. When I finally tested negative, we flew back to Colombia. Bogotá was having a second wave, and many restrictions were in place (including that I could only go to the office a couple of days per week). I was finally able to convince the good folks at the AFD that it did not make much sense to be paying an AirBnB apartment just to work from home (considering especially that all meetings continued to be virtual). So back to Miami we went. Vanessa was finally able to get the first dose of the vaccine.

I should also mention that since July 2020 I had been working remotely (and part-time) for a Mongolian green housing project financed by the Asian Development Bank. Even though initially the idea had been for the team to stay in Ulaanbaatar (Ulan Bator in the good ol’ days), finally we were only able to work remotely.

So, I was merrily working remotely on the two climate finance related projects from Miami, when the Ecuadorian elections took place. I had campaigned in the first round for my friend César Montúfar (contributing to his campaign program), but in the second round I strongly supported Guillermo Lasso. He was the candidate competing with the Correista (Chavista) candidate.
Against initial expectations and polls, Lasso managed to pull off an upset in the second round, in part thanks to expanding his proposals to incorporate some center and center-left initiatives (such as increasing the minimum wage, defending women/LGBTQ/ environmental rights and issues), and committing himself to fighting childhood malnutrition, something that the nominally leftist Correa had failed to do in 10 years, with more than $360 billion in fiscal revenue.

Lasso named as Economy and Finance Minister Simón Cueva, a centrist and prestigious economist, who had previously worked at the IMF and in academic positions.

In a surprising move, Simón asked me to join his team as Vice Minister of Economy. I had been considering public service in Ecuador (I even thought about running for member of the National Assembly, representing migrants in North America), but even so the proposal took me a bit by surprise. I am a center-left economist (leaning towards social-democracy), so I had not expected to join the government of a center-right former banker. But I accepted, given my trust in Minister Cueva, and also the urgent need to address the severe economic, social and health crisis that Ecuador was facing. So, I moved to Quito (I could not serve as Vice Minister remotely 😉).

I had never held public office in Ecuador, except for a six-month period when I was the Representative of Ecuador on the IMF Board of Directors in 2006 (before Correa). I had to regrettably leave my consulting work for EuroClima+/AFD and for the Mongolian ADB green housing project.

As I said, the challenges were manifold. The initial thrust was to put into motion and finance a massive vaccination drive, that ramped up to the point in which 12 % of the total population of Ecuador received a dose in a single week. President Lasso had offered to vaccinate 9 million people in his first 100 days in office, which at the time seemed like an overly ambitious goal, but in fact the goal was met.

The second effort was to renegotiate the terms of an “Extended Fund Facility” with the IMF, that would enable Ecuador to receive $1,500 million in 2021. The initial program sought to increase fiscal revenue by 3 % of GDP (about $3 billion) in 2022; the thought was that this could be accomplished by raising the Value Added Tax (VAT) by 3 points (to 15 %); this, however, is a regressive tax, and it seemed unlikely that the Assembly (dominated by left and center-left parties) would approve it.

The Ministry team was able to negotiate with the IMF to reduce the amount of additional revenue expected and designed a direct taxation fiscal reform that would only affect the 3.5 % of the population with the highest income (as well as the 0.1 % of the population with the highest net worth).

Even though this was a very progressive (some called it a social-democratic) tax reform, in the end the majority of the “leftist” and "center-left" parties in the Assembly did not vote in favor of it, but simply let it become law by not taking a position (under the terms of emergency laws, if a proposed law is not adopted or rejected in 30 days, it comes into force automatically).

A greater effort was required to reactivate the economy, boost private sector investment and employment. In the period through September, sales, tax revenues, private investment and employment all started to recover (from their pandemic lows). The progress in vaccination helped, as well as some multilateral credits that were channeled towards small and medium enterprises. Here is a summary of some accomplishments:

In August, I was notified that a consulting position for which I had applied many months before (in 2020, actually) had been approved. This was a long-term (five years) contract to work as a “Green Economic Policies Expert” for a new EU NDC Facility, which would work to assist developing countries in strengthening their climate action plans (NDCs, as well as long-term low-emissions development strategies, National Adaptation Plans, etc.).

Given the uncertain tenor of my work at the Ministry of Economy and Finance, and the fact that this new job was essentially my dream position, I unfortunately had to leave the Ministry on September 20th.

The European Union funded project required that we move to Brussels. I had to get a short-term visa to be able to travel, and was just about to do so, when there was a new spike in COVID-19 infections in Brussels and new restrictions were imposed. So, it was decided that it did not make sense for me to travel to Brussels and work from a hotel room. We are now in the process to obtain a long-term residence permit for Belgium and will likely travel next year.

So COVID-19 thwarted our travel plans twice; modified jobs to be remote three times; but thankfully did not make us severely ill or worse (thank you Moderna and Pfizer-BioNTech researchers!).

All of our immediate family members have been vaccinated, and not one of them contracted a severe case (although some less immediate relatives did regrettably succumb to the disease).

It has been, without doubt, a strange and weird period, and to be honest, working remotely has become somewhat tiresome and frustrating.

We did see my parents, my siblings, my nieces, my son Pablo, his wife, and my granddaughter Nelia Luna throughout the year, and we will see Vanessa’s family at the end of the year.

A silver lining has been that, in 2020, greenhouse gas emissions fell for the first time in recorded history, although the temperature kept on rising (see this updated presentation on the topic: http://economicsandinvestment.blogspot.com/2021/11/presentation-on-climate-change-paris.html).

I also published my first novel, “The Last Human”, a science fiction novel that is a call to action to confront climate change and other existential threats to humanity (including, yes, pandemics).

I hope that by expanding vaccination globally, and continuing to observe other precautions (masks, social distancing, remote working) we will finally defeat the pandemic in 2022.

Happy Holidays!

Sunday, October 3, 2021

Monday, April 5, 2021

Forbidden to Forget

By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)

Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco

Former President Rafael Correa made popular the phrase "Forbidden to forget" on his Saturday public events ("sabatinas"), events which he dedicated to insult his opponents; he even sought to register the phrase as a trademark.

Internet users reminded him that Rubén Blades titled one of his songs "Prohibido Olvidar", which appeared on his album Caminando (1991), which includes among its lines: "Forbidden the free press and forbidden to express opinions... They forbade to go out to the street and criticize the state. They forbade to laugh at the joke of their sad government... I believe the only way to put an end to this is: Forbidden to forget!".

Well, in the weeks before the second round of the elections, it seems that many Ecuadorians have forgotten what happened during the decade of the Correa regime (2007-2017).

For example, Yaku Pérez and Pachakutik seem to have forgotten the persecution they suffered at the hands of the Correista regime, which included the murder of several indigenous leaders (Bosco Wisuma, Freddy Taish, José Tendentza); the blows received by Yaku himself, his partner Manuela Picq, the elected assemblyman Salvador Quishpe, and other leaders of Conaie and Pachakutik. They also seem to forget that the government took the headquarter building away from Conaie (in 2014), which was later restored to them by Lenín Moreno.

Pachakutik and Unidad Popular (MPD) seem to forget that during the Correa decade more than 800 social leaders were arrested, criminalizing social protest; This included cases such as 10 from Luluncoto, 12 from Central Técnico, 21 from Arbolito, etc. Karla Calapaqui documents in her book "Criminalization of the Protest: 2007-2015, the victims of correísmo", the arrests, beatings, torture and murders due to the repression of the social protests.

UP leaders have forgotten that Correa dissolved the National Union of Educators (UNE) in 2016, liquidated its assets and appropriated the retirement fund of the Ecuadorian teachers, the financial entity of the UNE, that held 405 million dollars.

These organizations forget that Correísmo created parallel organizations to divide the social movement, such as the Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT), the Red de Maestros, promoted the Fenocin to counter Conaie, etc.

Have the Yasunidos forgotten how the regime ignored the signatures collected to demand a popular referendum, and proceeded to disrupt the Yasuní protection initiative to begin oil extraction?

Does society forget that there are 35 unsolved murders, which include 15 journalists and people who denounced corruption, such as General Jorge Gabela, Quinto Pazmiño and his wife, the journalist Fausto Valdivieso, among others?

Voters forget that there are reports of acts of corruption estimated by the late president of the National Anticorruption Commission, Jorge Rodríguez, to be at least $ 35 billion, in bribes, overpricing in public contracts, tax evasion, oil export commissions and in importation of derivatives, public debt and current spending. Other estimates calculate losses to the State between 30 and 70 billion dollars; that is between 10 and 20% of fiscal revenue during the 10 years.

We cannot forget that the former president, former vice president Glas, 10 former ministers, 4 assembly members, and directors of the IESS, Petroecuador, the Intelligence Secretariat, and the legal secretary of the Presidency have been indicted and found guilty of corruption.

When the Yasunidos activist, Antonella Calle, asked Arauz "I hope they don't continue to persecute us like in the Correa government", Arauz replied "I hope not." As if he had to consult his mentor if he would allow him to stop repressing. As a result of this exchange, Calle received thousands of insults and threats, in response to which she said “we must appeal to the public memory. They are announcing with great fanfare that the state of terror that Correísmo generated will continue. "

In an interview with Ecuavisa, Arauz said that he aspired for the Correísmo government to extend from 20 to 50 years. This would leave Hervas, Yaku Pérez or any other candidate out of aspiring to replace him.

Hopefully the public memory will awaken.


(*) Translation of the column published in Diario "El Universo" on April 2, 2021.

https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/prohibido-olvidar-nota/






Friday, March 5, 2021

Elections in Ecuador: Two opposite options

By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)

Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco

On Sunday, April 11, Ecuador will go to the polls to choose between Andrés Arauz, candidate of Correísmo; and Guillermo Lasso, candidate of the CREO-PSC alliance (with the support of other political forces).

These are two diametrically opposed alternatives, in almost all aspects.

While Arauz said in his proposal on "good de-dollarization" that he will raise the Tax on Currency Outflow (ISD) to 27%, and that the Central Bank would grant a "fixed quota" for importers (creating a market distortion, as he himself recognized in his 2009 Master's Thesis); Lasso proposes to eliminate the ISD. Apart from this exchange control (unique in a dollarized economy), Arauz would probably increase tariffs or collect safeguards on imports again.

The correista bloc in the Assembly also proposed to deliver a “universal basic income” in “electronic currency”; candidate Arauz later rejected that proposal and said, instead, that a $ 1,000 bond would be delivered to 1 million families by taking resources from the reserve of the Central Bank of Ecuador. It should be mentioned that these correspond to the reserve of private bank deposits held in the Central Bank; that is, ultimately, it is the depositors' money. Currently, the international reserve does not cover all commercial bank deposits, which is why there is a gap of nearly $ 7 billion between the assets and liabilities of the Central Bank (the Moreno government began to reduce this gap inherited from Correa, but with the pandemic it has increased again).

In more general terms, Lasso's proposal focuses on the generation of productive employment, and he even proposed increasing the monthly minimum wage to $ 500 (from the current $400); while Arauz focuses on the delivery of cash transfers, even at the risk of further reducing the net international reserve, and therefore putting dollarization at risk.

Arauz's pre-announcement that he will increase the ISD to 27% could possibly lead to an outflow of currency in anticipation of this measure.

Lasso has proposed to lower five taxes, while Arauz proposes to increase the income tax and create a wealth tax. Arauz would bet on strengthening a State-centered model, including increasing public spending; while Lasso would seek to strengthen the private sector.

Lasso proposes reducing income tax for companies that create at least 10 jobs.

While Lasso has said that he would strengthen dollarization, Arauz talks about the emission of "electronic currency" and using the resources of the international reserve. By refusing to lower public spending and investment, Arauz will maintain a high deficit and continue with the aggressive public indebtedness process that began in 2014 under Correa; it is likely that his fiscal policy, his proposal to raise the ISD, the potential use of the BCE reserves and the issuance of electronic money would lead to Arauz not receiving the outstanding disbursements from the IMF for $ 2.5 billion. Lasso has said that he would seek to reduce the deficit.

On issues that interest the young and progressive voters of Hervas and Yaku Pérez, such as mining, oil exploitation and the protection of water sources, Lasso's position is closer to the voters of Pérez and Hervas than the practice of Correísmo, which expanded oil and mining extraction, even in places of great biodiversity and environmental vulnerability such as the Yasuní National Park (manipulating the Electoral body under its control for the purpose of thwarting a plebiscite against oil exploration in the Yasuni). Lasso proposes to maximize environmental prevention in mining and oil production, including prior consultation of affected communities.

This extreme extractivism during the Correa decade even led to the murder of several indigenous activists who were opposed to the oil and mineral exploitation, such as Bosco Wisuma, Freddy Taish, José Tendentza, three of the 35 unsolved murders of the Correa government (others include 15 journalists and people who denounced corruption , such as General Jorge Gabela, Quinto Pazmiño and his wife, journalist Fausto Valdivieso, among others).

Correísmo also faces accusations and sentences of corruption, including Rafael Correa, Jorge Glas, ministers Carlos Pareja Yanuzelli, María de los Ángeles Duarte, Ricardo Patiño, Walter Solís, Vinicio Alvarado, Fernando Alvarado, Alecksey Mosquera, María Duarte, Raúl Carrión , Ramiro González and Viviana Bonilla, the Legal Secretary Alexis Mera, the Comptroller Carlos Polit, the assembly members Cristian Viteri and Esperanza Galván, the president of the Central Bank Pedro Delgado, the directors of the IESS María Sol Larrea and Iván Espinel (as well as former IESS President Ramiro González), the director of Petroecuador, Álex Bravo, the Secretary of Intelligence, Pablo Romero, the Secretary of Communication Carlos Ochoa, and the Presidential advisor Pamela Martínez, among others. Of these, 8 were imprisoned, and the rest are at large. It is estimated that the amount of resources lost to corruption reached $ 35 billion.

Arauz has mentioned that he will seek to have the sentences against Correa and other members of his government annulled.

Lasso has never been criminally charged, and, despite the fact that the Correa government investigated his alleged participation in the banking crisis of 1999, he was never accused. Eduardo Valencia, who led the investigation, found presumptions of guilt of Juan Falconí Puig and Pedro Delgado in the embezzlement of the CFN that occurred in 1999-2000, but they were never charged or separated from their positions in the Correa government; Delgado fled to his “son's wedding” in Miami in 2012 and never returned.

Arauz affirms that virtual platforms are natural monopolies, and that is why they must be considered public utility goods, as happened when they turned the right to communication into a public service. This proposal would be aimed at controlling virtual platforms and their users.

The two government plans could be strengthened in terms of environmental issues, sexual and reproductive rights, identity issues, the prevention of animal abuse, and gender and diversity approaches, among other topics of interests of the Millennial and Gen Z voters.

(*) This is a translated and expanded version of the column published in Diario “El Universo” on March 5th, 2021.

https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/dos-opciones-opuestas-nota/


The image shows the original version of the article by Andrés Arauz on "good dedollarization".