Green Recovery in Ecuador: perspectives from Latin America
Luis Fierro, Vice Minister of Economy
REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR
July 1, 2021
Presentation at the London Climate Action Week, panel organised by E3G
Includes:
 |
My novel “The Last Human” is now available on @AmazonKindle & paperback.
Mi novela “El Último Humano” está disponible en @AmazonKindle en versión digital e impresa.
Desde el 27 de mayo de 2021 asumí el reto del Viceministerio de Economía en el Ministerio de Economía y Finanzas Ecuador, por gentil invitación del Ministro Simon Cueva.
By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)
Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco
In the novel "Conversation in the Cathedral", Mario
Vargas Llosa puts in the mouth of its protagonist, Zavalita, the question
"At what precise moment did Peru get screwed up?"
Sometime later, trying to find an answer to the same question,
the author will say that there was no specific moment in which Peru was
"screwed up", but there were several moments throughout its history.
If the polls of the second round of elections are reliable,
now we will have a more precise answer: on June 6, 2021.
Pedro Castillo, the candidate leading the polls so far,
belongs to the "Peru Libre" party. According to Vladimir Cerrón, the
founder and leader of the party, it is a “Marxist, Leninist and Mariateguista”
organization.
José Carlos Mariátegui was a Peruvian writer, politician and
philosopher, founder of the Socialist Party, which would later become the
Peruvian Communist Party. He advocated an Indo-American socialism, with a
prominent role for indigenous peasants. In Ecuador, Dimitri Madrid and Leonidas
Iza are leaders of a “mariateguista” movement.
The Pedro Castillo Program was drafted by Vladimir Cerrón, and
it is of unusual radicalism for a party that seeks to win democratic and
multi-party elections. Remember that even Fidel Castro, Hugo Chávez and Rafael
Correa at the beginning said that they were not Marxists, nor did they have any
intention of expropriating private property; instead, they claimed to be
Christians and humanists.
On the other hand, the Government Program of Perú Libre
(available on the website of the National Elections Jury of Peru,
https://bit.ly/3vp3fUC) begins chapter 1 by stating “we recognize ourselves as
Marxists, Leninists, Mariateguists”. It mentions Lenin (Vladimir, not Moreno),
Fidel Castro, Evo Morales and Rafael Correa more than twenty times.
One of the occasions on which the document quotes them is to
talk about freedom of expression, or, better said, to point out that they
consider it necessary to restrict said freedom: it indicates that a "law
regulating communication" must be passed to achieve "freedom from
enrichment, blackmail, defamation, slander and above all lies ”(p. 28 of the
PDF). It is curious that, in these attacks on the independent press, the
communists are confused with the fascists (Hitler spoke of the lying press,
while Trump spoke of the lying media and fake news).
The plan mentions the phrase "nationalize" 35 times,
which is a euphemism for expropriating, that is, taking away the property from
its owners. It talks about creating a "nationalizing state" and a
"socialist state." It affirms that, if a “negotiation” is not
accepted to impose onerous terms, “the Peruvian State must proceed with the
nationalization of the deposit in question in the mining, gas, oil,
hydro-energy, and communication sectors, among others” (p. 16).
It proposes changing the curriculum to form citizens
"with national identity, supportive, dignified, autonomous and
revolutionary." It would increase spending on education and health to 20%
of GDP (the current total budget, for all categories of expense, stands at
21.3% of GDP). Despite this proposal to triple public spending, it proposes
that 70% of the tax collection remain with local governments.
It points out that the "Catholic Church" is the
"political, media and propaganda ally" of the sectors of power. The
document adds that "the Concordat with the Holy See, a framework on which
the Catholic Church is exempt from taxes, must be abolished" (p. 60).
It affirms that “The socialist state must… strengthen
agriculture to achieve security in the face of an imminent foreign food
blockade after declaring the character of the State” (that is, they anticipate
that Peru will face a blockade from abroad after declaring itself a socialist
State).
It mentions the revision or cancellation of Free Trade
Agreements, specifically mentioning the Pacific Alliance and the Trans-Pacific
Partnership Agreement (TPP) (p. 64). It also rejects the CONVEMAR.
It sharply criticizes the NGOs, stating that they are
"thousands of mercenaries [who] have organized these institutions in order
to control, manipulate, etc., the masses and orchestrate thousands of
counterrevolutionary apparatuses." It seems they want to ban them.
Then on p. 72, gives the impression that they want to declare
war on the United States: "it forces us to prepare socially, politically
and militarily against the imperial decadence that is not willing to die
without resistance."
Following the Chavista practice, it calls for a Constituent
Assembly, which would draft a new “nationalizing” Constitution, to shape a “new
economic regime”.
Curiously, in the only aspects in which the program has
liberal aspects (decriminalization of abortion, women's rights), Pedro Castillo
has declared that he is against abortion, gay marriage, gender equality,
euthanasia or the legalization of marijuana.
Apart from the government program, there are links between
Castillo and Peru Libre with MOVADEF, the political arm of Sendero Luminoso.
Congressmen elected by Peru Libre were imprisoned for being members of Sendero
(including Guillermo Bermejo and Alfredo Pariona). Castillo himself was
supported by MOVADEF to reach the leadership of his faction of the teachers'
union, CONARE-SUTEP.
According to testimony presented to the Truth Commission,
Vladimir Cerrón's father "Professor Jaime Cerrón Palomino played the role
of ideologist for the PCP-Shining Path organization within the University of
the Center." The government plan of "Peru Libre" concludes with
two pages of quotes (of Marxist content) from Cerrón's father.
(*) Note: this is the personal opinion of the author and does not reflect the views of any institution or entity. English translation of a column published on May 7, 2021 in Diario “El Universo” of Ecuador.
https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/propuestas-de-pedro-castillo-nota/Por Luis Fierro Carrión (*)
Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco
En la novela “Conversación en la Catedral”, Mario Vargas Llosa pone en
boca del protagonista de esta, Zavalita, la pregunta “¿En qué momento se había
jodido el Perú?”
Tiempo después, tratando de buscar una respuesta a su misma pregunta, el
autor dirá que no hubo ningún momento específico en que se haya “jodido” el
Perú, sino que fueron varios momentos a lo largo de su historia.
Si las encuestas de la segunda vuelta electoral son fidedignas, ahora
tendremos una respuesta más precisa: el 6 de junio de 2021.
Pedro Castillo, el candidato que lidera las encuestas hasta el momento,
pertenece al partido “Perú Libre”. Al decir de Vladimir Cerrón, el fundador y líder
del partido, es una organización “marxista, leninista y mariateguista”.
José Carlos Mariátegui fue un escritor, político y filósofo peruano,
fundador del Partido Socialista, que luego devendría en el Partido Comunista
Peruano. Propugnaba un socialismo indoamericano, con un papel destacado para
los campesinos indígenas. En Ecuador, Dimitri Madrid y Leonidas Iza son líderes
de un movimiento “mariateguista”.
El Plan de Gobierno de Pedro Castillo fue redactado por Vladimir Cerrón,
y es de un radicalismo inusitado para un partido que busca ganar las elecciones
democráticas y multi-partidistas. Recuérdese que incluso Fidel Castro, Hugo
Chávez y Rafael Correa al inicio decían que no eran marxistas, ni tener
intenciones de expropiar la propiedad privada; en lugar de ello, decían ser
cristianos y humanistas.
En cambio, el Plan de Gobierno de Perú Libre (disponible en el sitio del
Jurado Nacional de Elecciones del Perú, https://bit.ly/3vp3fUC) inicia el capítulo 1 indicando “nos reconocernos
marxistas, leninistas o mariateguístas”.
Menciona a Lenin (Vladimir, no Moreno), Fidel Castro, Evo Morales y a
Rafael Correa más de una veintena de veces.
Una de las ocasiones en la que los cita es para hablar sobre la libertad
de expresión, o, mejor dicho, para señalar que consideran necesario restringir
dicha libertad: indica que hay que pasar una “ley de regulación” de la
comunicación para “evitar con ello la ‘libertad’ del enriquecimiento, chantaje,
difamación, calumnia y sobre todo la mentira” (p. 28 del PDF). Es curioso que,
en estos ataques a la prensa independiente los comunistas se confunden con los
fascistas (Hitler hablaba de la prensa mentirosa, mientras que Trump habla de los
medios mentirosos y falsos).
Menciona 35 veces la frase “nacionalizar”, que es un eufemismo para no
decir expropiar, es decir quitar la propiedad a sus dueños. Habla de crear un
“Estado nacionalizador” y un “Estado socialista”. Afirma que, de no aceptarse
una “negociación” para imponer términos onerosos, “el Estado peruano debe
proceder a la nacionalización del yacimiento en cuestión de los sectores
mineros, gasíferos, petroleros, hidroenergéticos, comunicaciones, entre otros”
(p. 16 del PDF).
Dice que pagaría la duplicación del sueldo a los maestros (recuérdese
que Pedro Castillo es profesor de primaria y líder sindical), mediante el
producto de estas “nacionalizaciones”. Propone cambiar el currículo de estudios
para formar ciudadanos “con identidad nacional, solidarios, dignos, autónomos y
revolucionarios”. Aumentaría el gasto en educación y salud a 20 % del PIB (el
presupuesto actual total, para todos los fines, asciende a 21,3 % del PIB). No
obstante esta propuesta de triplicar el gasto público, propone que el 70 % de
la recaudación tributaria se quede en los gobiernos locales.
Señala que la “Iglesia católica” es el “aliado político, mediático y
propagandístico” de los sectores de poder. Añade que se debe “abolir el
Concordato con la Santa Sede, marco sobre el cual la Iglesia católica está
exonerada de los impuestos” (p. 60).
Afirma que “El Estado socialista debe… afianzar la agricultura significa
seguridad frente a un inminente bloqueo alimentario exterior al declarar el
carácter del Estado” (es decir, anticipan que el Perú enfrentará un bloqueo del
exterior por declararse un Estado socialista).
Menciona la revisión o anulación de los Tratados de Libre Comercio,
mencionando específicamente a la Alianza del Pacífico y el Acuerdo de
Asociación Trans-Pacífico (TPP) (p. 64). También rechazan la CONVEMAR.
Critica acremente a las ONGs, indicando que son “miles de mercenarios [que]
han organizado estas instituciones con el fin de controlar, manipular, etc., a
las masas y orquestar miles de aparatos contrarrevolucionarios.” Parece que quieren prohibirlas.
Luego, en la p. 72, da la impresión de que quiere declarar la guerra a
los Estados Unidos: “nos obliga a prepararnos social, política y militarmente contra
la decadencia imperial que no está dispuesta a morir sin resistencia”.
Siguiendo la práctica Chavista, convoca a una Asamblea Constituyente,
que redactaría una nueva Constitución “nacionalizadora”, para plasmar un “nuevo
régimen económico”.
Curiosamente, en los únicos
aspectos en que el plan de gobierno parece tener ribetes liberales
(despenalización del aborto, derechos de la mujer), Pedro Castillo ha declarado
que está en contra del aborto, del matrimonio igualitario, de la igualdad de
género, de la eutanasia o de la legalización de la marihuana.
Aparte del programa de
gobierno, existen vínculos entre Castillo y Perú Libre con MOVADEF, que es el
brazo político de Sendero Luminoso. Congresistas electos por Perú Libre
estuvieron presos por ser miembros de Sendero (entre ellos Guillermo Bermejo y
Alfredo Pariona). El mismo Castillo fue apoyado por MOVADEF para alcanzar el
liderazgo de su facción del sindicato de maestros, CONARE-SUTEP.
Según un testimonio presentado ante la Comisión de la Verdad, el padre de Vladimir Cerrón "el profesor Jaime Cerrón Palomino ejercía el papel de ideólogo de la organización PCP- Sendero Luminoso dentro de la Universidad del Centro". El plan de gobierno de “Perú Libre” concluye con dos páginas de citas (de contenido marxista) del padre de Cerrón.
(*) Versión más extensa de la columna publicada en el Diario "El Universo" el 7 de mayo, 2021:
https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/propuestas-de-pedro-castillo-nota/
By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)
Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco
Former President Rafael Correa made popular the phrase "Forbidden to forget" on his Saturday public events ("sabatinas"), events which he dedicated to insult his opponents; he even sought to register the phrase as a trademark.
Internet users reminded him that Rubén Blades titled one of his songs "Prohibido Olvidar", which appeared on his album Caminando (1991), which includes among its lines: "Forbidden the free press and forbidden to express opinions... They forbade to go out to the street and criticize the state. They forbade to laugh at the joke of their sad government... I believe the only way to put an end to this is: Forbidden to forget!".
Well, in the weeks before the second round of the elections, it seems that many Ecuadorians have forgotten what happened during the decade of the Correa regime (2007-2017).
For example, Yaku Pérez and Pachakutik seem to have forgotten the persecution they suffered at the hands of the Correista regime, which included the murder of several indigenous leaders (Bosco Wisuma, Freddy Taish, José Tendentza); the blows received by Yaku himself, his partner Manuela Picq, the elected assemblyman Salvador Quishpe, and other leaders of Conaie and Pachakutik. They also seem to forget that the government took the headquarter building away from Conaie (in 2014), which was later restored to them by Lenín Moreno.
Pachakutik and Unidad Popular (MPD) seem to forget that during the Correa decade more than 800 social leaders were arrested, criminalizing social protest; This included cases such as 10 from Luluncoto, 12 from Central Técnico, 21 from Arbolito, etc. Karla Calapaqui documents in her book "Criminalization of the Protest: 2007-2015, the victims of correísmo", the arrests, beatings, torture and murders due to the repression of the social protests.
UP leaders have forgotten that Correa dissolved the National Union of Educators (UNE) in 2016, liquidated its assets and appropriated the retirement fund of the Ecuadorian teachers, the financial entity of the UNE, that held 405 million dollars.
These organizations forget that Correísmo created parallel organizations to divide the social movement, such as the Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT), the Red de Maestros, promoted the Fenocin to counter Conaie, etc.
Have the Yasunidos forgotten how the regime ignored the signatures collected to demand a popular referendum, and proceeded to disrupt the Yasuní protection initiative to begin oil extraction?
Does society forget that there are 35 unsolved murders, which include 15 journalists and people who denounced corruption, such as General Jorge Gabela, Quinto Pazmiño and his wife, the journalist Fausto Valdivieso, among others?
Voters forget that there are reports of acts of corruption estimated by the late president of the National Anticorruption Commission, Jorge Rodríguez, to be at least $ 35 billion, in bribes, overpricing in public contracts, tax evasion, oil export commissions and in importation of derivatives, public debt and current spending. Other estimates calculate losses to the State between 30 and 70 billion dollars; that is between 10 and 20% of fiscal revenue during the 10 years.
We cannot forget that the former president, former vice president Glas, 10 former ministers, 4 assembly members, and directors of the IESS, Petroecuador, the Intelligence Secretariat, and the legal secretary of the Presidency have been indicted and found guilty of corruption.
When the Yasunidos activist, Antonella Calle, asked Arauz "I hope they don't continue to persecute us like in the Correa government", Arauz replied "I hope not." As if he had to consult his mentor if he would allow him to stop repressing. As a result of this exchange, Calle received thousands of insults and threats, in response to which she said “we must appeal to the public memory. They are announcing with great fanfare that the state of terror that Correísmo generated will continue. "
In an interview with Ecuavisa, Arauz said that he aspired for the Correísmo government to extend from 20 to 50 years. This would leave Hervas, Yaku Pérez or any other candidate out of aspiring to replace him.
Hopefully the public memory will awaken.
(*) Translation of the column published in Diario "El Universo" on April 2, 2021.
https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/prohibido-olvidar-nota/
Por Luis Fierro Carrión (*)
Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco
El expresidente Rafael Correa hizo popular la frase “Prohibido Olvidar”
en sus sabatinas, cuando repartía insultos a sus opositores; incluso buscó inscribir
la frase como marca registrada.
Los internautas le recordaron que Rubén Blades tituló una de sus
canciones "Prohibido Olvidar", aparecida en su álbum Caminando
(1991), la cual incluye entre sus líneas: "Prohibida la libre prensa, y
prohibido el opinar… Prohibieron ir a la calle y al Estado criticar,
prohibieron reírse del chiste de su triste gobernar… Yo creo que la única forma
de darle a esto un final es Prohibido Olvidar".
Pues bien, en las semanas antes de la segunda vuelta, parece que muchos ecuatorianos
han olvidado lo que ocurrió durante la década del régimen de Correa
(2007-2017).
Por ejemplo, Yaku Pérez y Pachakutik parecen haberse olvidado de la
persecución que sufrieron en manos del régimen correista, que incluyó el
asesinato de varios líderes indígenas (Bosco Wisuma, Freddy Taish, José
Tendentza); los golpes que recibieron el mismo Yaku, su pareja Manuela Picq, el
asambleísta electo Salvador Quishpe, y otros líderes de la Conaie y Pachakutik.
También parecen olvidar que el gobierno le quitó la sede a la Conaie (en 2014),
que luego les fue restituida por el “traidor” Lenín Moreno.
Pachakutik y Unidad Popular (MPD) parecen olvidar que durante la década
de Correa fueron detenidos más de 800 dirigentes sociales, llegándose a
criminalizar la protesta social; esto incluyó casos como los 10 de Luluncoto,
los 12 del Central Técnico, los 21 del Arbolito, etc. Karla Calapaqui documenta en su libro “Criminalización
de la Protesta: 2007-2015, las víctimas del correísmo”, más de 700 detenciones,
golpizas y torturas por protestas sociales, así como algunos asesinatos.
Los dirigentes de la UP han olvidado que Correa disolvió la Unión
Nacional de Educadores (UNE) en 2016, liquidó sus bienes y se apropió del fondo
de cesantía del magisterio ecuatoriano, la entidad financiera de la UNE, con
405 millones de dólares.
Estas organizaciones se olvidan de que el correísmo creó organizaciones
paralelas para dividir al movimiento social, como la Central Unitaria de
Trabajadores (CUT), la Red de Maestros, promovió la Fenocin para contrarrestar
a la Conaie, etc.
¿Los Yasunidos han olvidado cómo el régimen desconoció las firmas
recogidas para exigir una consulta popular, y procedió a desbaratar la
iniciativa de protección del Yasuní para comenzar la extracción petrolera?
¿La sociedad se olvida que hay 35 asesinatos no esclarecidos, que
incluyen a 15 periodistas y personas que denunciaron la corrupción, tales como
el General Jorge Gabela, Quinto Pazmiño y su esposa, el periodista Fausto Valdivieso,
entre otros?
Los votantes se olvidan de que hay denuncias de actos de corrupción
estimados por el fallecido presidente de la Comisión Nacional Anticorrupción,
Jorge Rodríguez, en al menos $35 mil millones, en coimas, sobreprecios en
contratos públicos, evasión tributaria, comisiones en exportación de petróleo y
en importación de derivados, deuda pública y gasto corriente. Otras
estimaciones calculan perjuicios al Estado entre 30 mil y 70 mil millones de
dólares; esto es entre el 10 y el 20 % de los ingresos fiscales durante los 10
años.
No podemos olvidar que el expresidente, el exvicepresidente Glas, 10 exministros,
4 asambleístas, y directivos del IESS, de Petroecuador, de la Secretaria de
Inteligencia, y el secretario jurídico de la Presidencia han sido encausados y
hallados culpables.
Cuando la activista de Yasunidos, Antonella Calle, le pidió a Arauz que “ojalá
no nos sigan persiguiendo como en el gobierno de Correa”, Arauz le respondió “ojalá
que no”. Como que tuviese que consultar
a su mentor si le permitirá dejar de reprimir. A raíz de ese intercambio, Calle
recibió miles de insultos y amenazas, ante lo cual dijo “hay que apelar a la
memoria ciudadana. Están anunciando con bombos y platillos que continuará el
estado de terror que generó el correísmo.”
En una entrevista con Ecuavisa, Arauz dijo que aspiraba a que el
gobierno del correísmo se extendiera 20 a 50 años. Esto dejaría fuera de la
contienda a Hervas, Yaku Pérez o cualquier otro candidato.
Ojalá funcione la memoria ciudadana.
(*) Versión más extensa de la columna publicada en el Diario "El Universo" el 2 de abril, 2021.
https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/prohibido-olvidar-nota/
By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)
Twitter: @Luis_Fierro_Eco
On Sunday, April 11, Ecuador will go to the polls to
choose between Andrés Arauz, candidate of Correísmo; and Guillermo Lasso,
candidate of the CREO-PSC alliance (with the support of other political
forces).
These are two diametrically opposed alternatives, in
almost all aspects.
While Arauz said in his proposal on "good
de-dollarization" that he will raise the Tax on Currency Outflow (ISD) to
27%, and that the Central Bank would grant a "fixed quota" for
importers (creating a market distortion, as he himself recognized in his 2009 Master's Thesis); Lasso proposes to eliminate the ISD.
Apart from this exchange control (unique in a dollarized economy), Arauz would probably increase tariffs or
collect safeguards on imports again.
The correista bloc in the Assembly also proposed to
deliver a “universal basic income” in “electronic currency”; candidate Arauz
later rejected that proposal and said, instead, that a $ 1,000 bond would be
delivered to 1 million families by taking resources from the reserve of the
Central Bank of Ecuador. It should be mentioned that these correspond to the reserve of private bank deposits held in the Central Bank; that is, ultimately, it is the
depositors' money. Currently, the international reserve does not cover all
commercial bank deposits, which is why there is a gap of nearly $ 7 billion
between the assets and liabilities of the Central Bank (the Moreno government
began to reduce this gap inherited from Correa, but with the pandemic it has
increased again).
In more general terms, Lasso's proposal focuses on the
generation of productive employment, and he even proposed increasing the
monthly minimum wage to $ 500 (from the current $400); while Arauz focuses on the delivery of cash
transfers, even at the risk of further reducing the net international reserve,
and therefore putting dollarization at risk.
Arauz's pre-announcement that he will increase the ISD
to 27% could possibly lead to an outflow of currency in anticipation of this
measure.
Lasso has proposed to lower five taxes, while Arauz
proposes to increase the income tax and create a wealth tax. Arauz would bet on
strengthening a State-centered model, including increasing public spending; while Lasso would seek
to strengthen the private sector.
Lasso proposes reducing income tax for companies that
create at least 10 jobs.
While Lasso has said that he would strengthen
dollarization, Arauz talks about the emission of "electronic currency" and using the resources of
the international reserve. By refusing to lower public spending and investment,
Arauz will maintain a high deficit and continue with the aggressive public indebtedness process that began in 2014 under Correa; it is likely that his
fiscal policy, his proposal to raise the ISD, the potential use of the BCE
reserves and the issuance of electronic money would lead to Arauz not receiving
the outstanding disbursements from the IMF for $ 2.5 billion. Lasso has said
that he would seek to reduce the deficit.
On issues that interest the young and progressive
voters of Hervas and Yaku Pérez, such as mining, oil exploitation and the
protection of water sources, Lasso's position is closer to the voters of Pérez
and Hervas than the practice of Correísmo, which expanded oil and mining
extraction, even in places of great biodiversity and environmental
vulnerability such as the Yasuní National Park (manipulating the Electoral body
under its control for the purpose of thwarting a plebiscite against oil
exploration in the Yasuni). Lasso proposes to maximize environmental prevention
in mining and oil production, including prior consultation of affected
communities.
This extreme extractivism during the Correa decade
even led to the murder of several indigenous activists who were opposed to the oil and mineral exploitation,
such as Bosco Wisuma, Freddy Taish, José Tendentza, three of the 35 unsolved
murders of the Correa government (others include 15 journalists and people who
denounced corruption , such as General Jorge Gabela, Quinto Pazmiño and his
wife, journalist Fausto Valdivieso, among others).
Correísmo also faces accusations and sentences of
corruption, including Rafael Correa, Jorge Glas, ministers Carlos Pareja
Yanuzelli, María de los Ángeles Duarte, Ricardo Patiño, Walter Solís, Vinicio
Alvarado, Fernando Alvarado, Alecksey Mosquera, María Duarte, Raúl Carrión ,
Ramiro González and Viviana Bonilla, the Legal Secretary Alexis Mera, the
Comptroller Carlos Polit, the assembly members Cristian Viteri and Esperanza
Galván, the president of the Central Bank Pedro Delgado, the directors of the
IESS María Sol Larrea and Iván Espinel (as well as former IESS President Ramiro González), the director of Petroecuador, Álex
Bravo, the Secretary of Intelligence, Pablo Romero, the Secretary of
Communication Carlos Ochoa, and the Presidential advisor Pamela Martínez, among
others. Of these, 8 were imprisoned, and the rest are at large. It is estimated
that the amount of resources lost to corruption reached $ 35 billion.
Arauz has mentioned that he will seek to have the
sentences against Correa and other members of his government annulled.
Lasso has never been criminally charged, and, despite
the fact that the Correa government investigated his alleged participation in the banking crisis of 1999,
he was never accused. Eduardo Valencia, who led the investigation, found
presumptions of guilt of Juan Falconí Puig and Pedro Delgado in the
embezzlement of the CFN that occurred in 1999-2000, but they were never charged
or separated from their positions in the Correa government; Delgado fled to his
“son's wedding” in Miami in 2012 and never returned.
Arauz affirms that virtual platforms are natural
monopolies, and that is why they must be considered public utility goods, as
happened when they turned the right to communication into a public service.
This proposal would be aimed at controlling virtual platforms and their users.
The two government plans could be strengthened in terms of environmental issues, sexual and reproductive rights, identity issues, the prevention of animal abuse, and gender and diversity approaches, among other topics of interests of the Millennial and Gen Z voters.
(*) This is a translated and expanded version of the
column published in Diario “El Universo” on March 5th, 2021.
https://www.eluniverso.com/opinion/columnistas/dos-opciones-opuestas-nota/
