Showing posts with label public debt. Show all posts
Showing posts with label public debt. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 3, 2020

A risky and unsuccessful bet that sacrificed Ecuador's liquidity


By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)

In August 2018, the government of Ecuador carried out a credit operation with Goldman Sachs International, for $ 500 million dollars; the operation was guaranteed with bonds with a nominal value of $ 1,201 million dollars.

In October, Minister Martínez made another "repurchase agreement" or "repo" for the same amount, with Credit Suisse, likewise with a guarantee of bonds with a nominal value of about $ 1.2 billion.

María de la Paz Vela published back in August 2018 in Revista Gestion an article titled "High risk in the new financing of Ecuador with Goldman Sachs for $ 500 million" (https://bit.ly/3coGHte), in which she highlighted that “It is an extremely high risk for the country in the present and future situation of scarcity of resources, with the high level of indebtedness it faces - of 60% of GDP or more - extending a collateral of 2.4 times the value of the credit, having high maturities of capital expected for bonds contracted in previous years.”

A collateral of 2.4 times the amount loaned was undoubtedly exaggerated, and very risky.

But even so, back then it could not be foreseen that the value of the bonds in the secondary market could drop below 40% of the nominal value, which would trigger a “margin call” to maintain the real value of the guarantees.

But that was exactly what happened after the October 2019 Indigenous Uprising, when the 2022, 2023 and 2026 bonds fell below 40%, and later, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and the collapse of the oil price in the international market, they would drop to less than 30% of the nominal value.

This led to the government having to pay a total of $ 762.9 million to compensate for the drop in collateral value between November and March, with the bulk of $ 506 million paid in March, in the midst of the pandemic. Additionally, $ 220 million had been amortized (it is not clear when); therefore, to close the two “repo” operations in April 2020, the government indicated that it had to pay an additional $ 35.9 million.

In the Ministry's bulletin, an amortization of debt with banks for $ 865 million appears in April, plus $71.2 million paid in "interest and commissions". According to the Ministry's explanation, only $35.9 million was paid in cash, and the rest corresponded to previous payments for “margin calls” of $762.9 million. It is unclear whether other bank debts were amortized in the month.

The justification for the 2018 operations was to achieve an annual interest rate of 6.5%, lower than that prevailing in the financial market at the time for Ecuador, close to 10%. However, it is not clear how much the country ended up paying in interest, commissions, and penalties for the “margin calls” and the advance payment of the operations. It is likely that it resulted in more than 6% per year in the less than two years that they were in force.

The underlying problem is the lack of transparency that persists in the Ministry of Economy and Finance regarding foreign debt and these other financial operations, which is a legacy of the Correa government, but has continued in the current government. The payment of the two operations was first reported by the "Dollarization Observatory" and then picked up by "Bloomberg", before the Ministry reported what had happened.

A potential risk is that the payment of the total capital of these two operations could have an adverse effect on the renegotiation of the outstanding bonds (by inferring unequal treatment of different private creditors).

In April, the consent of the bondholders was requested and obtained, to suspend the payment of interest for four months, in order to renegotiate in that period the terms of the bonds: amount (possible reduction of part of the principal), interest rate, term, grace period etc. A grace period would be sought (without paying principal or interest); possibly an extension of the term (especially those that expire in 2022, 2023 and 2026); and if possible a reduction in interest rates (which average nearly 9 % per year). The renegotiation of Argentina's debt with private creditors could be taken as the basis, although an agreement has not yet been reached.

In a conference on May 29, Minister Martinez mentioned that another financial transaction with Goldman Sachs for $ 500 million is also planned to be canceled in September; this operation was guaranteed with gold from the reserve (according to the "Dollarization Observatory" the amount would be $ 515 million).

The truth is that the government carried out two very risky operations, with the aggravating circumstance that they had to advance the payment precisely in the most precarious moments due to the pandemic and quarantine; unlike other contingent bonds based, for example, on GDP growth or on natural disasters, this one was designed to be paid just in the moment when Ecuador's country risk skyrocketed.

Relationship with the IMF: emergency loan and suspension of the EFF

On May 28, documents related to the approval of the "Rapid Financing Instrument" for $ 643 million by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were published. The curious thing is that the approval of this emergency loan occurred on May 2, but the documents were only released on May 28.

This was perhaps because the report mentioned, precisely, the payment of the "margin calls" for the two "repo" operations with Goldman Sachs and Credit Suisse, and the government preferred not to disclose it at that time. It is noted that the international reserve fell by about $ 1.5 billion until the end of March, "the decline was driven by the payment of margin calls on transactions with some private banks ... and public sector external debt service". Net international reserves ended at a negative amount of - $ 3.1 billion at the end of March.

The report also projects a contraction of 6.7% in GDP in 2020, and a financing gap of 8.4% of GDP in 2020 and 7.6% in 2021. In 2019 there was growth of 0.1%, higher than the expected contraction of 0.5%. Total GDP is not expected to return to the 2019 GDP level until 2023.

The report also mentions a reduction of $ 1 billion (2.3% of the total) in deposits from the private financial system at the end of March. However, it indicates that the financial system is well capitalized and has adequate reserves for bad debt. While noting that systemic banks are relatively more resilient, smaller banks and credit unions are "comparatively weaker, especially in terms of asset quality and profitability, and exposed to the shock through a loan portfolio concentrated in consumers loans and microfinance”.

The IMF estimates an increase in the fiscal deficit by 6% of GDP, with a drop in oil revenues and tax revenues, as well as additional expenses for health, social protection and social security.

Public debt would increase to 69% of GDP in 2022 and would remain at that percentage until at least 2024 (a possible reduction in the amount as a result of the renegotiation is not taken into account).

The document also cancels the existing Extended Financing Facility (EFF) program, which was approved in March 2019, in anticipation of another long-term loan being negotiated (also, theoretically, before August, according to the terms of the consent request to bondholders to defer payment of interest).

Among the risks at the international level mentioned in the IMF report:

• Lower-than-projected oil prices.
• A more severe and/or protracted COVID-19 pandemic.
• Weaker-than-expected global growth, which would affect the demand for export products.
• Increased protectionism in international trade
• A reduction in international financial flows (which would not affect Ecuador as much, since in practice it does not have access to the private markets).

Regarding domestic risks, apart from the continuation or worsening of the pandemic, the following are mentioned:

• A shortfall in fiscal revenues
• Health expenses higher than expected.
• "social discontent that causes economic disruptions and policy missteps"
• “lack of political cohesion in pursuing much-needed structural reforms and policies to support the population in crisis and to restore macroeconomic stability”
• “intensification of financial sector vulnerabilities”.

The IMF adds that "failure to reach an agreement consistent with debt sustainability with creditors by mid-August (when the standstill on debt service to external private sector creditors expires)" as well as the lack of an adequate funding by bilateral creditors would leave the country in very vulnerable conditions for a long period of time "including through the forthcoming presidential election period".
A "substantial debt operation" is required to address large and persistent financing gaps in the medium term; but, the Fund adds, a substantial fiscal consolidation (of at least 6% of GDP) will also be required.

(*) This is an English translation of the article published by “Revista Gestión” on June 4, 2020.


The author is an economist graduated from the Pontifical Catholic University of Ecuador (PUCE), with graduate degrees from the University of Oregon and the University of Texas at Austin. He was a staff member of the IDB from 1997 to 2013, and Representative of Ecuador to the IMF in 2006. Advisor on climate finance and development issues. These are his personal opinions.



Source: IMF  

Saturday, May 23, 2020

The lost savings Funds would have cushioned the crisis in Ecuador


By Luis Fierro Carrión (*)

On May 11, Norway's sovereign wealth fund decided to liquidate 3% of the fund's value, to support the government's efforts to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and boost economic recovery.

That withdrawal of 3% of the value was equivalent to 37 billion dollars. This is so because the fund has accumulated a value of 1.18 trillion dollars. It is the largest sovereign wealth fund in the world; it is followed by SWFs from China (China Investment Corporation), Abu Dhabi, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia, all with more than $ 500 billion in assets at the end of 2019.

In Latin America, some countries have stabilization and savings funds, but with much smaller amounts. For example, Chile has an economic and social stabilization fund ($ 14.7 billion) and a Pension Reserve Fund ($ 9.4 billion). Other countries with smaller funds include Peru, Brazil, Mexico, Trinidad and Tobago, Colombia, and Bolivia (all linked to the export of natural resources). Venezuela had a substantive fund, but with its protracted crisis it has vanished.

In the case of Norway, the fund has the official name of “Global Government Pension Fund”, and was created in 1990 to save the oil income that the Nordic country was receiving; The objective was to reduce the volatility of tax revenues due to the fluctuation of oil prices in the international market. A secondary objective was to reduce the macroeconomic impact of oil revenues, which in other countries (including Ecuador) has generated the so-called “Dutch disease”, in which the productivity of other economic sectors was affected.

The "Tiny Funds" in Ecuador

In Ecuador, apart from the international reserves, there were some attempts to create a stabilization or savings fund:

• In 1998, the Petroleum Stabilization Fund (FEP) was created to accumulate the surpluses of oil revenues above the budget.
• In 2002, the “Fund for Stabilization, Social and Productive Investment, and Reduction of Public Debt” (FEIREP), a trust managed by the Central Bank, was created.
• Later, in 2005, at the initiative of then Minister Correa, the FEIREP was transformed into the “Account of Productive and Social Reactivation” (CEREPS); 20% of its income went into a “Savings and Contingency Fund” (FAC), apart from the unused CEREPS balances at the end of the fiscal year. The FAC had among its specific objectives to be able to attend natural disasters and other emergencies.
• In 2006, the “Ecuadorian Investment Fund in the Energy and Hydrocarbon Sectors” (FEISEH) was created, fed with the income of Block 15 (after the declaration of expiration of the Occidental oil contract), as well as the Eden-Yuturi fields and Limoncocha.

Between these “tiny funds”, as then President Rafael Correa derogatively called them, savings equivalent to 12.1% of GDP were accumulated (https://flacsoandes.edu.ec/web/imagesFTP/9431.WP_018_CGiraldo_01.pdf ). Apart from this, the balance of public debt was reduced.

During the Constituent Assembly, an Organic Law was approved in 2008 for the “Recovery of the Use of State Petroleum Resources and Administrative Rationalization of Debt Processes”. In practice, it meant the elimination of these funds and facilitating the contracting of additional debt.

Oil revenues and fuel subsidies

During the decade of Correa's government, the country had oil revenues for a total of $95,581 million (35% of all oil revenues in the history of the country, in real terms, according to a study by Alberto Acosta and John Cajas, “A Wasted Decade”). Between 2007 and 2016, the non-financial public sector had total revenues of $ 283 billion. 

Notwithstanding this massive level of income, not only were the savings and contingency funds eliminated, but the net international reserve was left in negative terms; and Correa bequeathed a total public debt of about $ 60 billion.

Of the total oil revenue, about $ 23 billion (a quarter) was used for fossil fuel subsidies. This subsidy is very regressive, as more than 50 % benefits the two quintiles with the highest incomes: apart from which a significant part of the subsidy escapes by contraband. The subsidy also encouraged fossil fuel consumption, with adverse effects on climate change, health, pollution, etc.

After a failed attempt in October 2019 to eliminate subsidies for extra gasoline and diesel (the subsidy for super gasoline had previously been eliminated), on May 19 the President issued Decree 1054, which establishes a new market price system for extra gasoline, extra gasoline with ethanol and diesel. A “price band” system was established, taking into account the cost of fuels, the marketing margin, plus a monthly variation limit of +/- 5%.

In the initial period of application of this new price system, the result was that the price decreased, given the significant drop in the international price of crude oil and derivatives in international markets. Thus, the retail price of extra gasoline (including the commercial margin) decreased to $ 1.75 per gallon, and the price of diesel decreased slightly to $ 1 per gallon.

The Ministry of Economy and Finance will design the “necessary compensation instruments as a consequence of the application of the price band system”. Minister Martínez indicated that the government is analyzing social protection mechanisms in the event of sustained growth in the prices of gasoline and diesel. There is a preliminary proposal to increase the Human Development Bonus cash transfer program by $ 10 and compensate the most vulnerable in the event of an increase in public transport tickets. Another alternative is to subsidize public transport (either to users or carriers). 

Laws approved by the Assembly

In the laws approved by the Assembly, the Solidarity Law or COVID-19 and the Law on Public Finances, there are two aspects to highlight regarding the issue of oil revenues.

On the one hand, the possibility of contracting insurance to hedge the risk of lower oil prices is introduced, as the Mexican government has regularly done (Minister Martínez argued that previously he did not have the legal backing to do so, which will now be made possible by a provision of the Public Finance Regulation Law).

On the other hand, a Fiscal Stabilization Fund is created again, from income from the exploitation and commercialization of non-renewable natural resources (oil, gas, mining) that exceed what is contemplated in the annual public budget.

Obviously, with current prices, it will not be possible in the short term to accumulate resources in the fund, nor to contract a price insurance, but the reform is designed for the future, so that, if another pandemic, natural disaster or abrupt fall in the prices of exports occurs, Ecuador has a financial “cushion” – a cushion that the Correa government took away from us.


(*) This is an English translation of the article published by “Revista Gestión” on May 23, 2020.

The author is an economist from the Catholic University of Ecuador (PUCE), with graduate degrees from the University of Oregon and the University of Texas at Austin. He was a staff member of the IDB from 1997 to 2013, and Representative of Ecuador to the IMF in 2006. Advisor on climate finance and development issues. Personal opinions.